First of all, we must look at the background of the new government in the Zionist occupation state, in order to understand the premises on which it can build its positions. In order to get to know the government, it is necessary to identify the actors in it or those who are highly influential, especially since this government did not have many ideological commonalities, as much as it gathered to overthrow Netanyahu.
Among the most prominent faces of the new government is Defense Minister Benny Gantz, who heads “Blue and White” and returned from the ranks of the Netanyahu government to the ranks of the opposition, after the move angered his supporters for what they see as the concessions Netanyahu is making to the Palestinians! So the man came back to prove that he is more hardened. The second influential face in this government is Avigdor Lieberman, the finance minister in the current government and the former defense minister who leads the “Israel Our Home” party, and he has controversial statements such as his threat to destroy the High Dam in Egypt during the Egyptian revolution, the execution of Palestinian detainees, the assassination of Ismail Haniyeh, and his constant incitement. On waging war on Gaza and getting rid of the “headache of the resistance”, statements that reflect his far-right ideology.
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Egyptian politicians – since the beginning of the Palestine crisis – have always been aware of the importance of the issue, and thus formed a vision that for decades has been a platform for their policy. King Farouk bore the burden of sending the Egyptian army to Palestine to defend the nation’s honor and its central cause and sanctities, and the Palestinian issue remained the focus of Egyptian policy, especially after its direct involvement In a conflict with the occupying enemy until the Camp David agreement, and despite the signing of the agreement, the Egyptian leadership remained in control of the issue, and returned to hold its reins after the Arab reconciliation with Egypt, and Cairo became the focus of the world’s attention, whether in peace or war between the Palestinians and the occupation, and the site of engineering understandings that reach For agreements between the Arabs and the occupation in Oslo or Wadi Araba.
The Palestine card remained in the hands of the Egyptian political leadership before the revolution, with it evading Washington or even Tel Aviv to obtain the required gains according to the stage. Perhaps the position of the Egyptian leadership after the revolution was clear, especially when the occupation tried to test it by launching a war on Gaza. The response was strong and unexpected. Perhaps President Morsi’s sending of his prime minister to Gaza under bombardment was a clear message that the aggression must be stopped, which is what happened.
But the current Egyptian regime, after the July 3 coup, took a 180-degree different position, accusing the resistance of destabilizing Egypt and interfering in internal affairs, to the extent that a number of issues were fabricated by leading elements of the resistance, including those who died years before those issues, to show the resistance in Gaza looks like the devil that must be fought. He closed the crossings and tightened the siege. He even committed a number of violations that claimed the lives of civilians from Gaza. He even incited the occupation to uproot the resistance in its war on Gaza in 2014, before the resistance and its popular incubator imposed its conditions with its steadfastness.
The sword of al-Aqsa and the transformations of the Egyptian regime
Perhaps the battle of Saif al-Aqsa and the humiliating defeat it resulted in for the occupying entity marked the transformations witnessed by the current Egyptian regime. Gaza, but the real driver is due to two things:
- The first is the realization of the deep state in Egypt – which has been marginalized since the coup at the expense of loyalties and trust – that Egypt’s real position is its possession of the Palestinian cause, the central issue in the Middle East and the focus of the interest of the great powers in the world, especially America, and the burning files in The region, like the Syrian and Libyan crises, has been cooled, and the Yemeni crisis depends on Saudi Arabia’s blackmail and maintaining the balance of conflict between it and Iran on the one hand, and that the second wave of the Arab Spring has been prepared to deal with, and then the central issue in the region will return to the fore, so the Egyptian regime must reposition itself to become At the forefront of events, especially that the Palestinian cause is a golden opportunity to recover from the legitimacy crisis that it has suffered throughout the past period.
- As for the second matter, it is the attempts of both Saudi Arabia and the Emirates to kidnap the leadership role from Cairo. The first has been seeking to do so since before the Egyptian revolution. Perhaps Riyadh’s initiative to solve the Palestinian issue is an example of these attempts with the so-called Arab Peace Initiative launched by King Abdullah, which Hosni was dealing with. Mubarak was more cunning by passing it and visiting America or sending the foreign minister to Tel Aviv, or summoning the leadership of the resistance to Cairo, but he always kept the case file in his possession.
In the recent period, with the state of laxity experienced by the regime in Egypt, the Kingdom has returned the ball, and perhaps Trump’s visit to the Kingdom and the 2030 plan proposed by the Crown Prince, which includes undeclared cooperation with the occupation, aims to withdraw the file from Cairo. As for the UAE, it has made raising the banner of normalization with the occupation a means to withdraw the file and take the lead in the scene, and the buying and selling operations carried out by Emirati associations in East Jerusalem – which turned out to be a token of acceptance from them to Tel Aviv – had the effect of the entry visa to the world of leadership in the Palestinian cause.
But the resistance had a different opinion about the “Sword of Jerusalem” operation, forcing everyone to reposition it, and Cairo’s acceleration in dealing with the crisis since the first days was an opportunity to return strongly to the file, after previous attempts to gather the scattered Palestinian factions, which resulted in “nothing”, and perhaps a connection The US administration in Cairo, 7 months after its arrival at the White House, serves as a great motive, in light of the human rights crisis of Saudi Arabia and the UAE and its cooperation with China.
Gaza between Bennett and Sisi
The formation of the new government in the occupied entity and its backgrounds, which we mentioned at the beginning of this article, give a semi-clear background to what it might be dealing with Gaza and the chronic headache it poses to Tel Aviv. The new Minister of Internal Security, Omer Bar-Lev, that an assessment is being made of the situation around the flag march, which was canceled 3 times due to threats from Hamas, proves what we are saying, and perhaps also the statements of MK Itamar Ben Gvir in response to Hamas threats about the flag march that it is time for “Israel” threatens Hamas, not the other way around, which is another evidence of the new government’s intention.
And if we complete Ben Gvir’s statement on the same issue, we find that he expects the new Prime Minister Bennett, who has participated more than once in the media rallies, to stand firmly in the face of these threats, and these are statements that appear supportive and inwardly threat and embarrassment. One, it fears collapse at any time, and in order to preserve its existence, Palestinian blood is the price, and then on the other side – and here I mean Cairo – it should take all these facts into consideration in its dealings with Tel Aviv, and perhaps the role that Biden wanted from Cairo is to extinguish Possible fires in this hot square of the world, to devote himself more to confronting the greater danger represented by China and its economic predation, the culprit of more influence, which is difficult for Cairo to achieve if we take into account the ideological premise from which Cairo proceeds in its dealings with Gaza.